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Roman Sexuality: Images, Myths, and Meanings This exhibition at the University of Nottingham’s Weston Gallery brought together a varied collection of Roman artefacts sharing one common feature: they all depict scenes of a sexual nature. The guest star of the collection was the Warren Cup, a 1st century AD silver drinking vessel that gained notoriety as the most expensive acquisition to date when it was purchased by the British Museum in 1999. Because it depicts two pairs of male lovers, the museum delayed their acquisition of the piece for years over concerns that it could be seen as morally objectionable. There is more than a little irony in the thought that as an expensive piece of dinnerware this was an object made originally for display, not concealment. The story of the Warren Cup is a prime example of how Roman sexual imagery can seem deceptively familiar to the modern viewer. Sex is a fairly straightforward biological act – or so we think. Sexual images are another story. What is considered acceptable and what is considered taboo has changed so much even within our own century that it is difficult to tell which is which in ancient culture. Any discussion of sexual images therefore must begin with their role as images: who made them, who saw them, what they are for and where they are found. I was pleasantly surprised by the care taken in the display as well as the thoughtfulness of the accompanying text. The Weston Gallery is only a single room but the space had been used to good effect in displaying the collection with adequate text to guide the visitor. Less space was devoted to discussion of the historical reception of Roman sexual images than the images themselves. The Warren Cup itself stood in a case apart and is much easier to see than in its crowded home at the British Museum. The exhibition explained that it is not the images themselves that make the Warren Cup remarkable (similar scenes have been found on Roman pottery) but the survival of such material and the quality of the workmanship. Many of the items were quite mundane in material and function, a fact that draws attention to the two themes that reoccur when modern eyes look at Roman images. The first is the ubiquity of sexual scenes in ancient daily life. Lamps, tableware, architectural decoration, and even small personal objects depict sexuality and nudity in ways that would be excluded from general public viewing in our own society. Yet the everyday settings in which these images occurred suggests that they were not meant to be constantly titillating, and that the Roman concepts of eroticism and public decency were quite different than our own. The difference between modern and Roman representations of sexual acts and the sexual body serves as the second theme. On mass-produced objects like pottery it is easier to see a repertory of stock poses. While some of these poses focus on the display of the nude body for the benefit of the viewer they are markedly different from a modern pin-up or even from the depiction of nudes in the European art tradition. The next question is how such scenes were interpreted by the original Roman audience. The sexual body can also be humorous and decorative as well as erotic, like the well-endowed dwarfs in figurines and embellishments. A ritual and religious aspect is also brought into play when gods are depicted in sexual situations and when phallic imagery is used as a good-luck charm. The exhibit text sometimes struggled with this distinction, insisting that some objects are “not erotic” and “not sexual.” I personally do not understand how a depiction of a sexual organ is “not sexual,” especially when its identified meaning as a religious symbol is derived from its implied fertility. This is not an interpretative flaw so much as a battle with the English language and our own cultural standards. In our contemporary society imagery labelled as “sexual” has the connotation of the taboo, prurient, and hidden. The religious and sexual meanings of a Roman phallic amulet are related, and such imagery was not considered risqué enough to be removed from public view. This quibble shows how difficult, and how important, it is to understand the difference between Roman and modern attitudes. The only major criticism of the object-centred approach is it seemed more difficult for the non-specialist to understand what is typical for Roman art and how it relates to Roman society at large. The text cards stated several times that the images give a picture of Roman sexuality at odds with the literary evidence. What this picture is, and what kind of literary evidence was used to produce it, was never fully explained. There were missed opportunities to introduce literary references – such as the terra sigillata fragment showing a woman kissing a donkey, reminiscent of scenes in the comic fiction of Apuleius and Lucian. However, the small size of the exhibit combined with a desire to break from traditional reliance on literature to explain imagery left literature largely out of the picture, perhaps a justly corrective bias. The variety of objects and imagery in this exhibit demonstrated clearly that there is no single meaning for depiction of sex in Roman visual art: each image must be understood in terms of its context and conventions. We may not be able to completely understand the reaction of the original Roman viewers, but recognizing that these objects are meant to be viewed is the first step. Note: This exhibit has ended, but the webpage is still up and includes a short video interview with the curators. Last Updated (Friday, 09 December 2011 16:42) |
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Behavioral Ecology and the Transition to Agriculture Berkeley: University of California Press 2006.
This volume attempts to take on the difficult challenges of 1) applying an analytical framework established from research on existent hunter-gatherer societies to the archaeological record, and 2) extending the HBE framework to the complex topic of the origins of agriculture on a global scale. Douglas J. Kennett and Bruce Winterhalder have assembled an analytical tour de force stimulating the call for increasingly robust and complex approaches to the evolutionary process of agricultural transitions. The true strength of this volume lies in its well-balanced application of the HBE framework to case studies dealing with archaeological records from diverse cultural, ecological and geographical contexts. With three theoretical chapters and eleven case studies, this volume presents an outstanding mix of breadth and analytical consistency that increases the depth at which we approach questions concerning the transition to agriculture. The opening chapter by Winterhalder and Kennett presents a thorough introduction to the key concepts of human behavioural ecology, such as central place foraging, population ecology, diet breadth, ideal free distribution, risk sensitivity, costly signaling, and discounting. By analysing recent developments in our understanding of how human subsistence systems evolve, Winterhalder and Kennett (p. 19) make a most convincing argument for HBE as an "essential tool in the analysis of the transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture". The primary contribution of the first chapter stems from its emphasis on the flexibility of the fundamental concepts of HBE and their relation to any type of human economy, whether hunting-gathering, mixed, or fully agricultural. The very flexibility of the framework and its potential for model building is best indicated by the particular case studies that use only certain concepts of HBE which are most relevant to regional or local archaeological records. In the second chapter, Tucker's paper on the mixed foraging-horticultural Mikea of southwest Madagascar presents the only ethnographic study of the volume. The Mikea mixed economic system is comprised of slash-and-burn cultivation of low-investment maize and manioc horticulture in the forest savanna in combination with foraging for wild tubers, honey, and small game. Tucker's use of future-discounting theory shows vividly that the Mikea cultivate due to the lower rewards of foraging, yet refrain from the intensive horticulture of their Masikoro neighbors due to immediate subsistence needs that limit their capacity for future investment within a broader resource landscape. The results of this study clearly yield the potential of future discounting theory for explaining the persistence of mixed economic systems in the "middle ground between foraging and intensive cultivation" (p. 39). In the first of two papers to explore the application of central place foraging theory, Gremillion (Chapter 3) investigates the economic consequences of garden plot cultivation on the prehistoric people who used a rock shelter in the eastern Kentucky uplands as a storage location. Gremillion explores the different practices needed to cultivate chenopod and sumpweed, and their subsequent relative return rates of cultivation in floodplain and hillside habitats. This paper quantitatively illustrates the close relationship between the crop characteristics of particular plant species, local ecological potential of cultivation, and the costs of transport to storage locales. Central place foraging theory is used for a second time in the volume with a paper by Kennett, Voorhies, and Martorana (Chapter 6), which, combined with diet breadth models, uses a combination of palaeoecological and archaeological data to attempt to explain the long-term delay between the introduction of maize and the development of intensive maize production on the Pacific coast of southwest Mexico. Diet breadth models are some of the most well-known and widely employed models from HBE. In this volume diet breadth models are used to examine forager choices in taking on agricultural practices. Diehl and Waters (Chapter 4) use a diet breadth model to explain the 1350 year delay between the first introduction of maize and its intensification as a floodplain crop in southeast Arizona. Employing a combination of diet breadth models and marginal value theory, Denham and Barton (Chapter 11) reveal behavioral continuity in the emergence of agriculture out of preexisting terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene foraging strategies in the Highlands of New Guinea. In this excellent empirical account of the anthropogenic transformation of environments leading to local agriculture, archaeobotanical, archaeological, geomorphological, and palaeoecological data are used to exhibit the long processes of patch creation, plant translocation, and reduced mobility that enabled taro and banana agriculture in the Highland rain forests. The final application of the diet breadth model is used in combination with costly signaling theory in Aldenderfer's (Chapter 8) paper on the origins of animal domestication in the Andean highlands. In an ambitious paper displaying the potentials of HBE models for elucidating the social interactive significance of agricultural transitions, Aldenderfer constructs an admittedly plausible yet tentative model to explain the relationship between the sexual division of labour and the domestication of the llama and the alpaca. If one underlying tenet of the HBE framework could be emphasised, it would most likely be optimal foraging theory (OFT). Two papers in this volume give lucid accounts of the flexibility of optimal foraging theory that yield enormous potentials for modeling the origins of agriculture within specific environmental circumstances. Barlow's (Chapter 5) formal model incorporates optimisation hypotheses in order to explain the economic diversity and the persistence of a mixed economy among the Fremont (eastern Great Basin and northern Colorado Plateau). In an excellent empirical overview of plant domestication in the Neotropics, Piperno (Chapter 7) uses OFT to answer some of the 'why' questions concerning prehistoric peoples choices to domesticate so few plants, particularly, what selection requirements came into play to spark the first steps of domestication. Interpreting domestication as a complex evolutionary process, Piperno provides the most thorough application of HBE to the question of agricultural origins in the entire volume. With a model to explain the differential spreads of domesticated animals and plants to southern Arabia, McCorriston (Chapter 10) produces the only chapter of the volume focused specifically on the importance of HBE for explaining the relationship between climate change and the transition to agriculture. This model argues that domesticated herd animals from the Near East were incorporated earlier than plants due to the impact that high temperatures and summer rainfall would have played on early crop production. An HBE model with special applicability not only to the origins but the subsequent spread and evolution of agricultural practices is the ideal free distribution (IFD) model, due in particular to its emphasis on the relation of habitat choice to local resource abundance and population density. In the first paper applying IFD to agricultural transitions, McClure, Jochim, and Barton (Chapter 9) examine archaeofaunal and floral data in eastern Spain in order to emphasize the role of different animal husbandry practices (sheep and goat dominant in 'Neolithic I' versus cattle and pig dominant in 'Neolithic II') in changing land use strategies. This paper exhibits how changes in husbandry practices sparked the transition from dispersed valley settlements where intensive agriculture was practiced, to aggregated villages where more extensive practices became the norm. In the final case study chapter of the volume, Kennett, Anderson, and Winterhalder (Chapter 12) use IFD to develop an integrative model for the colonisation of Oceania by examining the impact of food production on decisions to disperse and colonise remote islands. Kennett, Anderson, and Winterhalder produce a thorough model correlating appropriately with available archaeological data, in order to explain the colonization of remote Oceania as an episodic, not continuous process. The final two chapters provide insightful layouts for future archaeological research employing human behavioural ecology theory to questions concerning the transition to agriculture from any cultural, ecological, or geographic context worldwide. Despite the striking depth of approach, Smith (Chapter 13) produces a widely accessible paper seeking to establish the relevant parameters for using HBE theory with archaeological datasets to construct models for the origins of domestication. Addressing the possible problem relating to the short-term, small-scale origin of most HBE concepts, Smith emphasizes the importance of HBE and foraging theory for addressing the full complexity of the entire developmental sequences leading to independent agricultural transitions around the globe. Moving from Smith's thorough examination of the challenges for applying HBE to archaeological data, Bettinger (Chapter 14) poses the ultimate challenge for future research on agricultural transitions: "how to think about the archaeological record in evolutionary terms". In a perfect closing paper to what will soon become a 'watershed volume' (as stated by Fitzhugh on the back cover), Bettinger proposes that the transition to agriculture be approached in a well-balanced neo-Darwinian framework able to identify the adoption of domesticates as a complex process of group selection. In order for group selection to be deciphered amongst the staggering diversity of the archaeological record, cultural transmission theory must be pared in tandem with human behavioural ecology to produce the analytical tools necessary for sorting out parts of the dynamic interchange between cultural selection, mutation, and drift. While it is clear that many future challenges await the application of a neo-Darwinian framework to agricultural transitions worldwide, Kennett and Winterhalder have assembled a cornerstone displaying the utility of the framework as well as the parameters needed to employ it in future research from other regions. Once paired alongside cultural transmission theory, human behavioural ecology offers exciting ways to invigorate the study of agricultural transitions taking into account the myriad of affects that caused foragers to begin farming. The empirical studies in this volume establish the path for more model building and hypothesis testing in the future. Indeed, the greatest contribution to the neo-Darwinian analytical framework and our knowledge of the transition to agriculture will be adapting theory to lower-resolution datasets from important regions highlighting one of the most significant evolutionary processes in human, and global history.
Last Updated (Friday, 09 December 2011 16:43)
Stroud: Tempus, 2006. From Trackways to Motorways provides an introduction to an often overlooked feature of the landscape. The author is not, however, an archaeologist and therefore the analysis is not contextualised in the manner of traditional landscape archaeology. The book is divided into clear sections and chapters, which provide an understandable background and chronology to the road network we see in Britain today. Read more...
Last Updated (Thursday, 29 September 2011 13:54)
Neolithic Studies Group Seminar Papers 7 Introduction According to the editors’ preface, the meeting of the Neolithic Studies Group (NSG) at the British Museum in 2003 aimed to bring together researchers employing a range of different approaches to studying animals in the Neolithic, and as a result, Animals in the Neolithic of Britain and Europe reflects this endeavour. The editors set no constraints of geographical area or period on the contributors and as a result the papers vary in scope from single deposits (e.g. Cotton et al.) to the whole of Western Europe (e.g. Zeiler). The centre of attention is clearly Britain with 6 of the 11 research papers dealing with the British Neolithic, however contributions have also been made by researchers into the Dutch, Greek and Adriatic. Few of the papers deal exclusively with the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition, and interestingly more emphasis is placed on the interface between the Neolithic and the subsequent Bronze Age. Although by no means exhaustive, Animals in the Neolithic of Britain and Europe succeeds in incorporating a plethora of approaches. This variety of methods coupled with the broad geographical areas incorporated combine to provide a volume that feels dynamic and vibrant from the outset. The volume consists of 11 research papers followed by one discussant. The organisation of the book is not immediately apparent, but the reader soon becomes aware that papers are grouped thematically. Individual papers vary in length, style and significance. Last Updated (Thursday, 28 July 2011 17:34) Woolgar C.M., Serjeantson D. and Waldron T., eds. 2006. Food in Medieval England: Diet and Nutrition
This book is a fruit of the work of the Diet Group at Somerville College (Oxford) and an example of how beneficial the collaboration between historians and archaeologists can be to the study of the past. Books with such diversity of topics, but at the same time consistency, are needed in the study of the Middle Ages, especially on such specific thematic units such as food and diet. Although it is geographically focused on England, the volume provides important insights into diet and nutrition, on a range of scales of analysis, from the individual to the national. In some cases, and where judged appropriate as a comparison, data from continental Europe have also been employed. Last Updated (Thursday, 29 September 2011 13:54) |
- Suzuki, S. 2008. Anglo-Saxon Button Brooches. Typology, Genealogy, Chronology. Anglo-Saxon Studies 10
- People, Places, and Memory: an interdisciplinary conference on Early Modern Ireland
- Carver. M., Hills, C. and Scheschkewitz, J. 2009. Wasperton: A Roman, British and Anglo-Saxon Community in Central England.
- Drake, H.A., ed. 2006 Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices
Reviews




From Trackways to Motorways: 5000 Years of Highway History
Animals in the Neolithic of Britain and Europe
Woolgar C.M., Serjeantson D. and Waldron T., eds. Food in Medieval England: Diet and Nutrition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. XV + 347pp. ISBN-13: 9780199273492 (£58.00)
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